Volume V, Issue 1, 2011
Abstract
The discussions on the demographic transition have focused more on the starting process (particularly aimed at fertility transition) as well on the explanatory factors and their combination in theories and much less on its terminal moment. Usually, it is argued that the demographic transition was over in Western societies in the mid seventies of the last century, with the end of the baby boom, and after the fall of the communist regimes in Eastern European countries. I shall start out with some consideration on the process called demographic transition, highlighting its unique and unrepeatable character in the history of population but also the diversity of the theoretical description, explanation and interpretation of the process. I will try to argue that it is preferable, in terms of explanations, to assume that in many Western countries the transition was complete in the interwar years, and in some countries from the Eastern part of Europe, including Romania, in the 1960s. In other words, in my view, the periods with high fertility specific to the baby boom era and also specific to the communist countries until 1989 should be interpreted as post-transitional sequences, combined with sequences of intense subfertility or closed to the reproduction level. In conclusion, we do not have another transition after the demographic transition but a movement of population for which, at least for the moment, we do not see a convergence of patterns; it is just about a change whose trends, structures, steps and rhythms can not be predicted.
Keywords
Demographic transition, fertility evolution, end of transition, Europe, post-transition period.
Abstract
The paper analyses work-related gender inequalities among the ethnic Hungarian population of Transylvania, and in parallel focuses on the social and cultural norms and values regarding the nature of female and male work practices. Most of the sociological and gender studies literature dealing with womens transformed status after the fall of communism describes womens opportunities in rather gloomy terms, emphasising not only unemployment and widening wage gaps as especially threatening women, but the upsurge of traditional values, too. Traditional and patriarchal value orientations play a major role in redefining role expectations towards women, emphasising motherhood and household duties at the expense of paid work careers. The basic research question the paper is built around concerns the state-of-the-art of paid and unpaid work opportunities Hungarian women and men have in the Transylvanian labour market, as well as the understandings and meanings attached to work itself by both men and women. After the description of the relative labour market advantages and disadvantages of the two sexes, the analysis turns to those commonly shared values and norms that shape gendered social actors understandings of their own work and aspirations. Throughout the paper data of the 2010 survey Kárpát Panel are used, complemented, when necessary, with the results of a research conducted in 2006 within the first wave of the Gender and Generations Survey (called The Turning Points in Our Lives).
Keywords
Gender, work, labour market, inequalities, values, attitudes towards gender roles.
Abstract
The paper analyse the subject of multigenerational bonds in contemporary family who are obviously growing in importance, fact who are reflected in increasing number of empirical findings. The social-demographic evolution of societies conduct to a longer life span that has resulted in potentially more years being spent in multigenerational families, greater family structure diversity, and more numerous demands being placed on households and families to fulfil the emotional, physical, and interpersonal needs of family members. Different types of exchanges between parents and children are embedded in family and kinship relationships. One of the most salient aspects of the relationship between ageing parents and their adult children are the transmission of goods, services and support behaviour. Reasons may differ: by utilitarian (functionalist) point of view, at different ages, it different ways, parents and children occasionally need, offer and receive help; other scholars explain the exchanges as a function of intergenerational solidarity, in which transfers are based on family obligation norms, affection and emotional attachments, an opportunity structure that facilitates interaction between generations, and perceptions that intergenerational exchanges have been reciprocal; and others explanations had focused on altruism based on kinship, based on evolutionary theory who pointed that is a genetic predisposition to help those with whom one is genetically related and from economic theories that propose that resources are transferred because it makes the donor happier than alternative uses of those resources would. Based on literature, the diachronic research (realized in 2003, and 2010 respectively) aimed at the study of intra-familial intergenerational exchange models, focused on routine or normative models of exchanges between two sample of Romanian adult parents and adult children, from urban and rural Transylvanian areas. results suggests that the patterns of intergenerational transmission behaviour is more consistent with the social exchange model than the altruistical model, with significant increase of ambivalence behaviour and attitudes in 2010.
Keywords
Intergenerational transmission (support, transfer, solidarity), bonding social capital, social exchange theory, intergenerational solidarity theory, ambivalence explanatory model.
Abstract
The aim of this study is to analyse the rural population from the point of view of the mortality, natality and natural growth, as a part of a larger investigation project of the traditional and modern elements in interwar Bessarabia. It is based on a vast and varied demographical and statistical documentation and it reveals the main characteristic demographical features of the rural population in interbellic Bessarabia: a) a very high crude rate of mortality (20,7 deceases at 1.000 inhabitants or approximately 58.000 in absolute numbers in 1939); b) a crude rate of natality (of above 30,0 live-born children at 1.000 inhabitants) with a significant decreasing tendency which started after the First World War and was maintained until the end of examined period of time; c) a relative high natural growth (18,7 at 1.000 inhabitants in 1933), yet affected by a ceaseless decreasing process, because of the fact that this growth was developing in the circumstances of a low rate of natality, while the general mortality was characterized by an unsignificand tendency of reducing.
Keywords
Rural population, population natural movement, mortality, infant mortality, late fetal death, natality, natural growth.
Abstract
The anthroponimical analysis of the Russian census of the population of Moldova in 1774 made possible a more objective determination of the national structure of the inhabitants of Bukovina on the threshold of the occupation of this region by Austria. According to the mentioned census in 1774 there where leaving approximately 68.700 persons (nearly 40.920 Rumanians, 59,6%, and nearly 22.810 Ukrainians (Ruthenians and Hutsulians), 33,2%) in the area of future Bukovina. The Ruthenians lived more densely in the north-west of Bukovina, especially in the zone between Prut and Nistru and the hutsulians were concentrated in the mountain zone in the west of the province, especially in the zone of the rivers Ceremus and Putila. In 1774 there were living as well about 475 Jewish families (mostly in Cernauti, Suceava and Vijnita), about 420 Gypsy families (mostly in the south of Bukovina near the monasteries), and in Suceava was an Armenian community that was formed of 58 families.
During the military administration (1774-1786) the population of Bukovina was practically dubbed, predominantly because of the intensive emigration from Galitsia, Moldova and Transylvania. But those processes had not changed crucially the national structure of the population. The transferring of Bukovina under Galitsian administration had negative consequences for the population of Bukovina. In result of an intensive emigration to Moldova (especially during the period of time 1786-1816) the rate of Romanians had decreased but the rate of Ukrainians and of representatives of other nationalities had increased. The most drastic decrease of population of Bukovina occurred in 1814 1816, when the number of inhabitants registered a decrease of 28.453 of individuals or about 12,4% of the total population.
In the period of the military and Galitsian administration 5 Hungarian colonials were founded in Bukovina, 3 Lippovan colonials, 3 Slovak colonials and many peasants, miners and German glass blowers colonials. Little by little, Jews, Polish and Armenians came to Bukovina,
that were mainly settled in the towns. The German, Hungarian, Lippovan and Slovak colonists lived prevalently in the villages and dealt with agriculture, and the Jews, Polish and Armenians lived mainly in towns and dealt with commerce, trades and they used to be land agents or office workers.
The first official statistic data on the ethnic structure of the Austrian provinces at the middle of the XIX century are very contradictory for Bukovina. After a comparative verification and analyse of the statistical data from the middle of the 19th century, I came to the conclusion, that the statistic data of 1850 are the most realistic. According to official statistical data in 1850 there were in Bukovina 380.826 inhabitants, inclusive 184.718 Romanians (48,5%), 142.682 Ukrainians (37,5%), 25.592 Germans (6,7%), 11.856 Jews (3,1%), 5.586 Hungarians (1,5%), 4008 Polish (1,05%), 2.300 Lipovenians, 2.240 Armenians and 1.844 Czechs and Slovakians.
Keywords
Bukowina, census, military administration, Galitsian administration, Ruthenians, Hutsulians, Jews.